The people of Ol Kalou went to the polls on June 16, 2026, and handed a resounding win to MP-elect Sammy Douglas Kamau Waweru amidst heavy terror that reigned on the voting day.
What started as a normal voting day quickly spiraled into near anarchy when gun toting men in masked faces descended on the peaceful town causing terror, mayhem and lawlessness.
The men, believed to be police drove around, some in unmarked vehicles, attacking residents and journalists and lobbing teargas to disperse crowds.
KHRC deployed 12 election monitors and four staff members across the constituency. Our observers were present before polling began, throughout voting and during the counting process. They documented events as they unfolded and verified their observations against reports from affected communities, journalists, election stakeholders and publicly available information.
Many of the incidents recorded during the by-election have already been reported. This statement draws together those events to show what they reveal about the direction of Kenya’s electoral environment and the issues that demand action before the 2027 general election. Measured against Article 81 of the Constitution, the conduct of the by-election did not meet the standards required for a free and fair election. The observations that follow set out where those constitutional safeguards failed in practice.
Noteworthy, Ol Kalou mirrored concerns documented during the Malava and Mbeere North by elections, where violence, intimidation, misuse of public resources and declining confidence in electoral institutions were also recorded. The recurrence of these violations across successive by elections suggests that they are becoming entrenched in Kenya’s electoral environment. Unless decisive action is taken, these conditions are likely to re-emerge during the 2027 general election, with serious implications for electoral credibility, public confidence and constitutional governance.
One death, dozens of injuries
KHRC documented serious human rights violations during the byelection. James Muigai Mwathi, aged 30, died from injuries sustained during violent attacks involving heavily armed security officers and organised groups. Dozens of other people were injured, while many reported assaults, robbery and the destruction of their property, leaving voters fearful and disrupting the conduct of the election.
Journalists were among those targeted during the by election with KHRC documenting attacks on 10 of them, including Jafferson Mwangi, Mary Mwathi, Elisha Gatua, Martin Wacera, Caroline Wachira, Enos Teche, Bridgette Ngana, George Kieru, Fiona Akinyi and Dickson Matakwa, who were assaulted and robbed at gunpoint while carrying out their professional duties.
These attacks raise serious concerns about media freedom and the public’s constitutional right to access information during elections. They signal a shrinking civic space ahead of the next poll, where intimidation of journalists could restrict independent reporting, weaken public oversight and reduce electoral transparency.
KHRC documented at least 10 unmarked vehicles, including Toyota Prado and Volkswagen models, carrying heavily armed officers across the constituency, some of whom were seen firing from moving vehicles. The rogue police officers in civilian, faces covered, and armed to the teeth with lethal weapons, including high-calibre rifles, teargas canisters, water cannons, and more, descended on and wreaked havoc at several polling stations, including Huruma, A.C. Primary School, Ol Kalou Comprehensive School, St. Joseph Primary School and Mundi Polling Station.
Should these operations recur during the 2027 general election, investigating electoral violence and identifying that responsible will become even more difficult, leaving victims with fewer avenues for justice and placing greater strain on the credibility of election security.
Bribery
Numerous incidents of voter bribery were recorded during the by-election, including cases involving public officials. In many instances, women were used to distribute money and other inducements on behalf of political actors. Their prominent role in these activities points to the exploitation of economic hardship for political ends, exposing women to electoral offences while those directing and financing the schemes remain largely out of public view.
Our monitors also observed irregularities in the administration of assisted voting as many elderly persons and persons with disabilities legitimately received assistance as provided for under the law, several instances suggested attempts to influence the electoral choices of assisted voters. -
Many voters remained at polling stations long after voting because they did not trust that their ballots would be secure once they left. Although electoral regulations require voters to leave after casting their ballots, many choose to stay and watch over the process. This loss of confidence in the institutions responsible for managing elections offers an early indication of the challenges that could shape the 2027 general election. Without decisive institutional reforms, more voters may feel compelled to guard the process themselves.
The Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) is concerned about electoral violence, voter intimidation, voter bribery, and the misuse of public resources ahead of the Ol Kalou Parliamentary by-election on July 16. The by-election was occasioned by the death of David Kiaraho.
These developments fall short of the standards set by the Constitution, particularly Article 38, which guarantees every Kenyan the right to make political choices freely, and Article 81(e), which requires elections to be free from violence, intimidation, improper influence and corruption, and to be conducted transparently, impartially and accountably.
Although the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) cleared nine candidates who publicly committed to peaceful campaigns, the campaign period has been marked by incidents that threaten the credibility of the electoral process.
There have been deadly clashes between rival political supporters, leaving at least eight people injured, damaging property and disrupting campaign events. KHRC is equally concerned by credible reports that government programmes and official activities intensified alongside political campaigns. Public resources must never be used, or appear to be used, to confer an electoral advantage. Articles 10 and 232 of the Constitution, together with the Leadership and Integrity Act and the Public Officer Ethics Act, require public officers to exercise power impartially and in the public interest.
KHRC has also taken note of reports that a section of Ol Kalou voters was invited to the State House shortly before polling day. While KHRC cannot independently verify those claims, public officials must avoid conduct that creates a perception of political favour or undue influence during an election.
The Constitution places clear obligations on institutions responsible for the electoral process. Under Articles 86 and 88, the IEBC must conduct elections that are transparent, accurate, accountable and impartial. The Election Offences Act criminalises voter bribery, intimidation and violence, while Article 238 requires security agencies to discharge their mandate in a manner that respects human rights and fundamental freedoms.
KHRC demands:
We, the undersigned civil society organisations, human rights defenders, citizens, grassroots movements, and champions of accountability, strongly condemn the escalating, coordinated, and lawless campaign of intimidation levelled against The Institute for Social Accountability (TISA), its Executive Director, the entire team, and other Okoa Uchumi Campaign members.
Increasingly, we are witnessing a chilling regression towards dark-era police-state tactics specifically targeting defenders of public finance integrity and civic space. TISA is the latest defender of democracy to come under attack - an attack we believe has been instigated by this government. This state-sanctioned assault seems to grow bolder by the day, as illustrated by the alarming incidents documented below:
❖ The All Saints Cathedral Church attack, where state-hired goons targeted a meeting of civil society actors working on public finance management within a sanctuary of prayer. The goons publicly confessed to having been sent by some powerful government officials to carry out the heinous attack. Notably, TISA was one of the co-conveners of the event that was disrupted by goons on June 12, 2026, alongside Okoa Uchumi partners.
❖ Surveillance and Road Harassment: Since early June 2026, TISA's Executive Director, Diana Gichengo, has been subjected to a continued pattern of intrusive surveillance and road harassment by tinted Subaru and Prado vehicles, including repeated tailing along routes she regularly uses to and from work. This came shortly after she was informed that individuals close to a well-known government official had been making inquiries about her on the basis of TISA's public finance management accountability work.
❖ On Thursday, July 2, 2026, at least 13 suspected state security officers in four Subarus attempted to gain entry into the TISA offices. Operating entirely outside of legal procedures, the men aggressively demanded the identification and surrender of “the lawyer” who works at TISA.
❖ This pattern of state-led attacks and intimidation of vocal human rights defenders is clearly visible. The regime has previously unlawfully rendered KHRC staff member Martin Mavenjina to Uganda, and continues to refuse his return to be reunited with his family. This intimidation escalated further a year ago, when suspected state-hired goons attacked a press conference organised by KHRC and Inuka Kenya at KHRC's office, injuring one of their board members. The press conference had brought together mothers of victims of police killings and enforced disappearances, alongside journalists, to call on the regime to end the killing and disappearance of their children, an appeal the goons were evidently sent to silence.
❖ Additionally, the state denied Brian Kagoro of the Open Society Foundation entry into Kenya and unlawfully returned him to South Africa, despite his having legally resided and worked in the country for decades.
❖ It did not stop there. During the June 25 commemoration, police arbitrarily arrested and forcibly disappeared seven human rights defenders, who were later found abandoned and tortured in different parts of Nairobi. The seven were Fredrick Ojiro, Collins Otieno, Muteti Mulinge, Elisha Alam, Michael Ngugi, Christine Lubanga, and Davis Luchuma. Abdulaziz Duba Molu, Michael Oloo Osura, and Macmillan Kiarie Mugo are still forcibly disappeared even though their unlawful arrest happened before the June 25 commemoration.
This is not law enforcement; it is organised state-enabled terror against citizens exercising their constitutional rights. The continued deployment of armed, masked, plain-clothes and unidentified security personnel operating alongside or in protection of state-sponsored goons has become a defining feature of the assault on Kenya's civic space. These actors routinely operate outside the law, conceal their identities, use unmarked vehicles, carry out unlawful arrests, enforced disappearances, assaults and intimidation, while enjoying apparent protection from accountability. This coordinated architecture of repression must be dismantled immediately, and those responsible, whether they planned, commanded, facilitated or protected these operations, must be investigated and prosecuted.
The actions of the security agencies and their proxies fly directly in the face of the Constitution of Kenya, 2010. We remind the state and the National Police Service (NPS) of the explicit constitutional boundaries and obligations contained in articles 10, 29, 33, 36, and 244 of the Constitution of Kenya regarding the ongoing harassment and intimidation of civic actors.
Through strategic litigation initiatives, mostly led by actors here today, Kenya’s Judiciary has repeatedly drawn a line in the sand against rogue police tactics and the closing of civic space. We draw strength from and cite the following landmark judgments:
In Kanchory v Service & 3 others [2025] KEHC 13792 (KLR) at para 62, the High Court soundly condemned the deployment of plainclothes officers in unmarked vehicles to disappear or intimidatecitizens, ruling that:
“Given their mandate to serve all, why would police officers conceal their faces and identity and bundle people in unmarked vehicles? It is only criminals engaged in criminal activities who wear hoodies and masks to conceal their identity and move in vehicles without registration plates or with false plates to avoid identification and accountability.”
While our courts continue to affirm the state’s obligations to protect women, the reality on the ground tells a different story: women leaders are still routinely targeted with intimidation and violence, including sexual violence.
We note that the police's failure to stop the goons at All Saints Cathedral Church, KHRC’s office, and other reported community meetings, as well as their active harassment of civic leaders, including those from TISA, renders them personally liable for constitutional violations. With credible allegations that security agencies have coordinated with, facilitated, or protected such actors while simultaneously deploying masked, armed and plain-clothes officers to intimidate citizens, these actions and omissions amount to serious constitutional violations and demand urgent, independent criminal investigations into operational commanders and those exercising political authority over these operations.
OUR DEMANDS
We refuse to be cowed into silence and demand the following:
1. The Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) and the Inspector General of Police must immediately halt the illegal tracking, surveillance, and office raids directed at TISA's Executive Director and staff.
2. The National Police Service must officially account for the fleet of Subaru vehicles used on July 2, identify the officers in black suits, and state the legal basis for targeting a civil society lawyer. Furthermore, the unmarked Subaru used for the illegal apprehension of human rights defenders on July 7 in the CBD must also be immediately investigated. Any officers found to have participated in unlawful operations must be subjected to criminal and disciplinary proceedings.
3. IPOA Investigation: The Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA), together with other competent investigative authorities, must immediately investigate not only the July 2attempted raid on TISA but also the broader pattern of coordinated attacks involving state-sponsored goons, masked and plain-clothes security officers, unmarked vehicles, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, torture, assaults on civic meetings and the protection afforded to perpetrators. The investigations must identify those who planned, commanded, supervised, and executed these operations and recommend criminal prosecutions where appropriate.
4. The state must guarantee the safety of TISA staff, all civil society organisations, and human rights defenders demanding accountability from the political class at all levels. At the same time, there must be immediate investigations into the grave violations that have already occurred, including assaults, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, torture, illegal surveillance, official raids and attacks perpetrated by state-sponsored goons and security personnel. Those who ordered, commanded, facilitated, or failed to prevent these violations despite having a constitutional duty to do so must be held individually accountable. Any further violations committed against civic actors will constitute additional evidence of command responsibility on the part of the leadership of the National Police Service and other responsible state agencies.
5. Should any harm, enforced disappearance, arbitrary arrest, unlawful detention, or extrajudicial action befall any member of TISA or the civil society at large, the leadership of the Inspector General of the National Police Service will be held personally and criminally responsible.
6. The Departmental Committee on Administration and Internal Security in the National Assembly must convene urgent hearings to investigate the July 2 raid and broader intimidation of civil society. The Inspector General of Police, Cabinet Secretary for Interior, and IPOA should be compelled to testify under oath, provide full disclosure of operations involving Subarus and other unmarked and irregularly registered vehicles, and outline measures to protect civic actors.
We stand in unyielding solidarity with TISA and the civic actors, citizenry and human rights defenders whose safety and security are being undermined by the escalating deployment and impunity of state- sponsored and protected goons. The Constitution protects our right to speak truth to power, and no amount of black suits, unmarked cars, or state-hired goons will roll back the democratic gains won by the blood and sweat of the Kenyan people. We invite the diplomatic community and development partners to closely monitor the unfolding situation and publicly report on the ongoing attacks in Kenya's civic space.
SIGNED:
Supported by Co-signing Civil Society Organisations
1.#EndFemicideAfrica
2. #EndFemicideKe
3. ActionAid International Kenya
4. Activista Isiolo Chapter
5. Activista Makueni Chapter
6. Africa Centre for Open Governance (AfriCOG)
7. African Centre for Environment Rights and Development (ACERD)
8. African Initiative for Women Human Rights Defenders
9. African Social Development Focus (ASDEF)
10. Africans Rising
11. Alliance CBO-Bondo Siaya County
12. AMKA Space for Women's Creativity
13. Amnesty International Kenya
14. Angaza Jamii CBO
15. Arid Areas Paralegals Networks
16. Article 19
17. Association of Grassroot Journalists Kenya
18. Badili Africa
19. Bajeti Hub
20. Beatrice Kayesi David - Right to Food Ambassador
21. Brenda Kiprop
22. Bunge Mashinani Initiative
23. Bungoma Civil Society Forum (BCSF)
24. Bungoma Governance and Peace Advocates
25. Bungoma Youth Bunge forum
26. Celine Odipo - Sustainable Action CBO
27. Center for Enhancing Democracy and Good Governance (CEDGG)
28. Center for Rights Education and Awareness (CREAW)
29. Christine Kyalo-Rise and Serve Women Network
30. Chyulu Development Foundation
31. Civic Freedoms Forum
32. Civic Voices
33. Civil Society Reference Group
34. Coalition for Grassroots Human Rights Defenders Kenya- (Pussy Power)
35. Collins Yogo Odhiambo
36. Community Advocacy and Awareness Trust (CRAWN Trust)
37. Community Transformative Initiatives CBO
38. Community-Led Solutions CBO
39. County Youth and Adolescent Network (CYAN Kenya)
40. Defenders Coalition
41. Diana Kageha - Right to Food Ambassador
42. Domitila Okemo - Right to Food Ambassador
43. East Africa Law Society
44. Edith Alysa - Right to Food Ambassador
45. Eimu Bora Working Group
46. Election Observation Group (ELOG)
47. Elevate Livelihoods, Peace and Advocacy (ELPA)
48. Elizabeth Angeyo - Right to Food Ambassador
49. Eustine Iminza - Right to Food Ambassador
50. Ezekiel Odeoh-Mwalie Health CBO
51. Faith Odhiambo
52. Federation of Women Lawyers in Kenya (FIDA Kenya)
53. Fight Inequality Alliance Kenya
54. Frontier Hope
55. George Bush O-LSK-Kisumu
56. Getrude Kamonya - Right to Food Ambassador
57. Girl Concern CBO
58. Global Afrikanas Konnection - G.A.Ks
59. Good Health Community Programmes Kakamega
60. Grassroot's Voices
61. Green Aid Org
62. Haki Nawiri Afrika
63. Haki Yetu Organisation
64. Happy Life For Development CBO
65. Henrica Bahati - Right to Food Ambassador
66. Hope in the Desert
67. Hudson Mulonga - Right to Food Ambassador
68. Ignatius Nyukuri- Alliance for Persons with Disabilities
69. Independent Medico-Legal Unit (IMLU)
70. InformAction (IFA)
71. Initiative for Equality and Non-Discrimination (INEND)
72. Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA Kenya)
73. Institute of Public Finance (IPF)
74. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
75. Inua Mama Mjane CBO
76. Inuka Community Developers Network
77. Inuka Kenya Ni Sisi!
78. Irene Ojwang-Nyarongi Women Network
79. Isiolo Gender Watch
80. Jackline Munanga - RTF Ambassador
81. James Nyabera - Tambua Social Justice Center/Right to Food Ambassador
82. Japheth Ojijo - Integrated Development Facility-IDF
83. Jecinta Ogando -SRHR champion
84. Jijenge Youth Organization
85. Jikaze Foundation CBO
86. Joseph W. Muyela-Khwisero Social Justice Centre
87. Josline Chemitai Rotich
88. Josphine Apwoka - Right to Food Ambassador
89. Kakamega Voices Community Based Organization
90. Kaketumaso CBO
91. Kathelwa Disabled Self Help Group
92. Katiba Institute
93. KELIN Kenya
94. Kelvin Tsiyeli - Right To Food Ambassador (RTF)
95. Kenya Devolution CSO Working Group
96. Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC)
97. Kenya Medical Practitioners, Pharmacists, and Dentists Union (KMPDU)
98. Kenya National Interface Team (KNIT)
99. Kenya Peasant League
100. Kiambu Social Accountability Network (KISANET)
101. Kiambu Solidarity Network
102. Kiambu Youth Bunge
103. Kiengu Women Challenged to Challenge
104. Kimumu Youth for Change
105. Kisumu County Accountability Alliance (KISCAA)
106. Kitise Kithuki Professionals CBO
107. Kituo Cha Sheria
108. Kwale Civil Society Consortium
109. Lakeshore For Community Transformation ( LACOT)
110. Law Society of Kenya (LSK)
111. Likuyani Community Empowerment Organisation
112. Lucky Summer Social Justice Center
113. LuminousSafe-space Organization
114. Magharibi CBO
115. Makueni Civil Society Network (MACSON)
116. Makueni Convoy of Hope
117. Makueni University Students Association
118. Makueni Youth WASH Parliament
119. Manyatta B Social Justice Centre
120. Mathare Social Justice Centre
121. Mercy Mamboleo - Right to Food Ambassador
122. Mildred Asibiko – Right to Food Ambassador
123. Moureen Onyango – Right to Food Ambassador
124. Mukuru Community Justice Centre
125. Muslims for Human Rights (MUHURI)
126. Muungano Rural Empowerment Centre
127. Mzalendo Trust
128. Nahashon Nyahera – Stardy Sharp Kenya /Right to Food Ambassador
129. Namvic CBO
130. Naomi Wairimu
131. National Gay & Lesbian Human Rights Commission
132. National Integrity Alliance
133. National Students Caucus (NSC)
134. Nelly Jegogo Kipketer - Right to Food Ambassador
135. Network for Research & Governance
136. Nitasema Foundation
137. Nubian Rights Forum
138. Ojwang Philip-North Karachuonyo Ward Social Accountability Network
139. Okoa Uchumi Campaign
140. OneToAll Initiative CBO
141. Pan African Solidarity Network
142. Pan-African Grassroots Women's Liberation
143. Partnership for Transformational Development -Kenya (PTD- Kenya)
144. Partnerships 4 Empowerment & Networking in Kenya
145. Pascal Wambua
146. Paul Kuya - Right to Food Ambassador
147. PAWA254
148. Police Reforms Working Group
149. Provident Community Initiative (PCI)
150. Reproductive Health Accountability and Response Kenya-RHARK CBO
151. Riabai Youths CBO
152. Rita Elaki - Hamisi PAG Disabled Group
153. Ruth Anyona – Right to Food Ambassador
154. SAGE CBO
155. Selly O. Manyala-Homabay County Peace Network CBO
156. Shinyalu Policy Lab Kakamega
157. Siasa Place
158. Smatkkey CBO
159. Solidarity and Capacity for Opportunity, Defenders in Action (SCODA)
160. Spark Bridge Initiative CBO
161. Stepping Stone HIV/Aids Positive Women CBO
162. Tambua Social Justice Center
163. Tembea Youth Centre for Sustainable Development
164. The Constitution and Reform Education Consortium (CRECO)
165. The East African Civil Society Organizations Forum (EACSOF)
166. The East African Tax and Governance Network (EATGN)
167. The Institute for Social Accountability (TISA)
168. The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ KENYA)
169. The Pan African Lawyers Union (PALU)
170. The Social Justice Centers Working Group
171. Thuranira Salesio Mutuma (HRD-Meru County)
172. Transparency International Kenya (TI-Kenya)
173. Tribless Youth
174. Tunaenda Deaf Empowerment CBO (Homabay)
175. Uasin Gishu County Civil Society Network
176. Uchaguzi Platform
177. United Disabled Persons of Kenya (UPDK)
178. United Green Movement (UGM)
179. University Students' Leaders Association (USLA)
180. Uplift Mentorship and Talent Development Centre (UMTAD)
181. Utu Bora Social Justice Center
182. Utu Wetu Trust
183. Uzalendo Social Justice Center
184. Victor Olenja - Right to Food Ambassador
185. Vitalis Marcel-Ndhiwa Social Accountability Network CBO
186. VOCAL Africa
187. Wajir County Civil Society Consortium
188. Wangu Kanja Foundation
189. We Believe Community Organization
190. Winam Community Social Justice Centre
191. Women Collective Kenya
192. Women In Justice Centers - Western Chapter
193. Youth Agenda
194. Youth and Women Advocacy Network (YWAN-KENYA)
For media inquiries, contact Ernest Cornel on 0722253893 or Mulayi Muni on 0729051400.
This week marks one year since one of the most violent assaults on the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) in its more than three decades of defending human rights and constitutional freedoms.
Between the night of July 5 and the afternoon of July 6, 2025, two events struck at the heart of constitutional democracy and the rule of law. Senior Legal Adviser on Transitional Justice Martin Mavenjina was forcibly and unlawfully renditioned to Uganda after being intercepted at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport as he returned from an official assignment in South Africa.
Less than 24 hours later, our office in Nairobi was attacked by state-backed goons who disrupted a press conference held by mothers whose children had been killed or disappeared by police during anti-government protests.
Wave of repression
Mavenjina lawfully entered Kenya on the night of July 5, 2025. After clearing immigration, he was stopped by officers, his passport was confiscated, and he was placed on a flight to Kampala against his will. KHRC maintains that his rendition was unlawful and violated national and international legal protections.
The next afternoon, as journalists, human rights defenders, and mothers gathered for a press conference, the office was stormed by state-backed goons. Attendees were assaulted, property was damaged, and personal belongings were stolen. The militia demanded that the press conference be halted.
The mothers had gathered to demand justice and accountability following the state-led deaths and disappearances of their children during the protests of June and July 2024 and June 2025. They also wanted to tell the William Ruto regime not to use lethal force against their children as they prepared to mark Saba Saba, the anniversary of the nationwide pro-democracy demonstrations that began on July 7, 1990, that was happening the following day.
Repeated calls for police intervention went unanswered as the attack continued for about 40 minutes. The incident was later reported at Muthangari Police Station under OB No. 45/06/07/2025.
One month later, former United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Mary Lawlor, requested explanations from the government regarding Mavenjina's unlawful removal and the attack on the KHRC office. After months of silence, the government responded in October 2025, stating that “investigations were ongoing”.
A year later, no findings from those “investigations” have been made public. No one has been charged in connection with the attack on the KHRC office. No public explanation has been provided for the decision to unlawfully rendition Mavenjina to Uganda. Accountability remains elusive.
State repression and violence, perpetrated by police forces and organized goons, remain deeply entrenched. These tactics are wielded against individuals and organizations seeking to advance civil rights and public interest. KHRC, Transparency International Kenya, the Institute for Social Accountability, and All Saints Cathedral Church, among others, faced yet another incident on July 12 this year, when state-backed goons disrupted a budget review meeting at the church.
This wave of state repression is a reminder of the dark days under the KANU regimes of Presidents Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi. These actions undermine the democratic and constitutional progress we painfully fought for.
The continued failure to investigate all these incidents undermines public confidence in the rule of law and signals that attacks against human rights defenders, journalists, and victims seeking justice may occur with impunity.
The attack on KHRC and the mothers of victims of police excesses targeted the constitutional rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, association, and access to information. It aimed to prevent families from speaking about the loss of their loved ones and to intimidate those defending human rights.
Despite these events, KHRC has continued its work without fear. We remain unbowed. On this first anniversary, we renew our demands to the Ruto regime to:
Below is a timeline of events related to the unlawful rendition of Mavenjina, and the attack on KHRC, journalists and mothers of victims of police excesses.
July 5, 2025 | 6:00 p.m.
KHRC issues a media invitation for a press conference scheduled for 2:00 p.m. on July 6, 2025, where mothers of victims of police killings and enforced disappearances are expected to speak publicly ahead of the Saba Saba demonstrations.
July 5, 2025 | 10:00 p.m.
KHRC Senior Legal Adviser on Transitional Justice, Martin Mavenjina, arrives at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport from an official assignment in South Africa. He clears immigration, and his passport is stamped.
Approximately 10:30–11:30 p.m.
Minutes after clearing immigration, Mavenjina is stopped by officers, escorted to an immigration office, and his passport is confiscated. He is later escorted to the Kenya Airways counter by an immigration officer and National Intelligence Service (NIS) officers and issued a ticket to Kampala, Uganda.
July 6, 2025 | Shortly after midnight
Mavenjina is placed on a flight to Uganda against his will. KHRC maintains that his rendition from Kenya was unlawful and violated his rights under Kenyan and international law.
July 6, 2025 | 1:00 p.m.
Mothers of victims of police excesses, journalists and invited guests begin arriving at the KHRC office in Nairobi for the scheduled press conference.
July 6, 2025 | 2:08 p.m.
State-backed goons storm the KHRC office shortly after the press conference is scheduled to begin. Mothers, journalists, and KHRC staff and a board member are assaulted, property is damaged, and personal belongings are stolen. The militia demands that the press conference be cancelled.
July 6, 2025 | 2:10–3:00 p.m.
KHRC places repeated calls requesting police assistance from Muthangari Police Station. No officers respond while the attack continues for approximately 40 minutes.
July 6, 2025 | 4:00 p.m.
KHRC formally reports the attack at Muthangari Police Station.
Occurrence Book (OB) number 45/06/07/2025 is recorded.
July 8, 2025 | about 6:30 p.m.
Two men identifying themselves as officers from the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) arrive at the KHRC office after working hours, seeking to photograph the premises. They are asked to return during office hours, but they do not do so.
August 5, 2025
Former United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Mary Lawlor, formally writes to the Government of Kenya requesting explanations regarding:
August–October 2025
No response is provided by the Ruto regime to the communication.
October 27, 2025
Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi responds, stating that “investigations are ongoing.”
One year later
One year after the incidents:
There must be accountability. KHRC has prepared an accountability tracker, shown below.
Towards a transformative and inclusive justice mechanism for victims of state atrocities in Kenya
A KHRC commentary and advisory on the KNCHRC’s report on reparations for victims of violations of human rights, including demonstrations and public protests during the June 25 second anniversary
Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) is a premier Non-Governmental Organization with a mandate of working with the people to consolidate their sovereign power to claim their rights and enhance accountability. Transformative justice for various categories of victims, particularly those harmed by state apparatus, as well as the marginalised and disadvantaged groups in society, remains one of our core approaches and areas of work. This aims to consolidate our long history and legacy of successfully applying transitional justice and, among other progressive human rights mechanisms, in both national and transnational spheres to address systemic and mass atrocities committed by state and corporate violators from the colonial era to the five post-independence regimes, including the current Kenya Kwanza regime.
This period from 1895 to 2026 has seen the entrenchment of a culture of impunity by the governing elite as they enforce politically punitive and anti-people economic policies. The people of Kenya have remained persistently resistant to such bad governance systems. The ensuing confrontation between the state and people has seen gross human rights violations mainly committed by the police and other oppressive organs. Most of these have remained unresolved despite numerous truth- and justice-seeking processes, while the executive and political elite responsible have continued to drive them.
June 2024 saw a repeat of this, as Gen Z and the public at large organised both online and offline protests against the publication of a very oppressive Financial Bill. Many young people were injured, disappeared, killed and property worth millions of Kenyan shillings was destroyed.
This situation deepened the national and international demand for truth and justice. The proposal by the Kenya Kwanza regime in July 2025 to develop a reparations framework targeting victims of state violence from 2017 to 2025 was along those lines. The initial plan was to have an executive-led process under the so-called Panel of Experts on Compensation of Victims of Demonstrations and Public Protests. However, this was challenged by many actors within and outside the courts for overriding the constitutional mandate of the state’s Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR). KHRC and its partners remained at the centre of this, providing policy and political insights. Finally, KNCHR took up the mandate and organised stakeholder consultations, during which many partners, including KHRC, shared their insights and recommendations. KNCHR prepared and handed over its report to Mr William Ruto on June 15, 2026.
We agree with the following recommendations (not exhaustive) by the KNCHR, as verbatim captured in their report, and as earlier advised in our memorandum to it:
In the aftermath of conflict or repression, guarantees of non-recurrence have a crucial role in preventing future violations of human rights and reinforcing the rule of law, respect for human rights, and contributing to sustaining peace and development. It is very clear that the regime in power is not interested in changing its bad-governance culture and practices. Despite the above mechanisms, many violations are still being committed with abandon. We have serious questions about this political hypocrisy of monetising reparations while normalising injustices. For how long shall those in power keep on harming Kenyans and, at the same time, abusing their taxes for tokenistic remedies?
We demand that the executive end the following abusive tendencies with immediate effect. We also demand:
We call for a return to the country's constitutional and democratic order, for this is the only safeguard for good governance, respect for human rights, and the rule of law. We call upon the people of Kenya to arise and remain vigilant in safeguarding their sovereignty and the implementation of the constitution. The behaviour of the state during the second anniversary of the Gen-Z protests on June 25 is going to be a true test of how the regime is committed to protecting people’s rights to protest, expression, assembly, security, health, among others. May Justice be our shield and defender.
On June 25, 2024, security forces unleashed violence on a scale rarely seen in recent memory against protesters demanding good governance and accountability for abuses attributed to the regime of Mr William Ruto.
A comparable level of violence was reported a year later, on June 25 and again on July 7.
Ruto subsequently announced plans to compensate the families of those killed, delegating this responsibility to his office.
A court later ruled that the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) is tasked with this function.
KNCHR subsequently urged the public to submit memoranda to inform the process.
The Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) submitted its memorandum, urging KNCHR to prioritise accountability, support for victims, a public apology from Ruto, assurances that such violence will not recur, and legislation to enable these changes.
Read our submissions below:
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We extend our heartfelt condolences to the families, loved ones, students, teachers, and the entire community affected by the tragic fire at Utumishi Girls Academy in Gilgil, Nakuru County, which has so far claimed 16 students' lives and left dozens injured.
Our hearts are heavy as civil society in the education sector. No parent should send a child to school only to receive news of death, injury, or tragedy.
Schools are meant to be places of safety, learning, hope, and growth, not places where children lose their lives in preventable disasters.
This tragedy is especially painful because it comes as the country is still mourning and demanding justice for the victims of the Hillside Endarasha Academy tragedy in Nyeri, where 21 innocent boys lost their lives in 2024.
Before that, Kenya witnessed similar deadly school fires and disasters at St. Kizito in 1991, Bombolulu Girls in 1998, Nyeri High School in 1999, Kyanguli Secondary School in 2001, Asumbi Girls in 2012, and Moi Girls, Nairobi, in 2017.
Investigations repeatedly show carelessness, weak enforcement of safety rules, poor emergency readiness, and ongoing problems within institutions responsible for protecting students.
The latest tragedy at Utumishi Girls Academy, Gilgil, raises serious and urgent questions about how safe Kenyan boarding schools really are and whether the Ministry of Education is truly enforcing the rules.
Kenya has clear school safety rules through the Ministry of Education’s Safety Standards Manual for Schools. These rules require enough space in dormitories, emergency exits, doors that open outward, fire extinguishers, regular fire drills, disaster readiness plans, secure school grounds, and regular checks to keep students safe.
However, despite these clear standards, they are not followed. As a result, lives continue to be lost in foreseeable and preventable tragedies.
Kenyan parents trust schools and government bodies with their children’s lives. They expect that before a boarding school opens, proper safety checks, emergency plans, fire response systems, and dormitory safety rules are fully in place and confirmed. Sadly, repeated tragedies reveal serious problems with enforcement, accountability, and readiness.
Sending a child to school should never be a life-or-death choice. Yet more Kenyan parents are afraid because school tragedies are becoming a worrying pattern instead of rare events.
We therefore demand:
The Kenya Human Rights Commission is taking legal action against the United Democratic Alliance (UDA) and its officials for mismanaging public funds, breaking statutory and constitutional provisions, and failing to meet their tax obligations.
The Auditor General found that UDA paid over Sh128 million in net salaries but failed, on purpose and by neglect, to deduct and send Pay As You Earn (PAYE) taxes. This caused Sh69 million in unpaid taxes for the 2023-2024 and 2024-2025 financial years.
UDA has received the most money from the Political Parties Fund. In the 2025-2026 financial year alone, it got over Sh789 million. The taxes we pay go into the Fund, which is then given to outfits like UDA to fill their troughs. So, it is our money being mismanaged and stolen. We have every reason to be enraged, demand accountability from UDA and its luminaries, and ensure that entities benefiting from public funds meet the highest standards of integrity and compliance.
UDA also failed to pay the withholding tax and the public procurement capacity-building levy, breaking the Public Finance Management Act. But Mr William Ruto’s party did more than evade taxes. It did not pay required contributions to the National Social Security Fund (NSSF) and the Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF), putting its employees at risk of losing important social protection benefits. This clearly violates employees’ labour and social security rights.
Ironically, even though UDA strongly supports the housing project, it did not pay the housing levy for its employees. Clearly, the party does not believe in its own vision of affordable housing.
Specifically, these are some of the laws that Ruto’s UDA has broken and must be held accountable for:
KHRC points out that failing to meet tax, statutory, and constitutional duties weakens support for socio-economic rights like education and health. These sectors already face funding gaps of Sh260 billion and Sh72 billion, respectively.
While KHRC is taking legal action, it also calls on oversight and enforcement agencies to act within their roles. The Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) must collect all unpaid taxes and penalties. The Office of the Registrar of Political Parties (ORPP) must review UDA’s compliance status and eligibility for continued access to public funding. The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) must investigate the misuse of public resources. The Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP), working with KRA and EACC, must prosecute UDA officials responsible for tax evasion.
We are heartbroken and angered by the killings of Henry Otieno and Jack Omenda in Gem-Ramula, Siaya, on April 6, 2026. We are also troubled by ongoing police harassment and intimidation of local residents. These deaths followed a confrontation between community members and police officers connected to mining activities involving Shanta Gold Limited.
Shanta Gold has explored gold in Ramula–Mwibona and the wider western region for several years. When the company announced in 2022 that it had found commercially viable gold, it caused fear, division, and tension in the community. Since then, the company’s operations have lacked transparency, shared little information, and involved few community members, leading to mistrust and anxiety about the project.
Despite these concerns, the company has continued its activities with state protection, including police sent against unarmed residents seeking accountability. The company’s actions and strong state support raise serious questions about who backs Shanta Gold in Kenya and whose interests are protected.
The company’s apparent impunity suggests it has powerful supporters and acts as if above the law. This protection encourages disregard for legal processes and accountability, harming community rights and the rule of law. Guided by the constitution and international human rights standards, we address the following critical issues.
The events leading to these deaths are troubling. Community members held a peaceful protest to raise concerns about land rights, lack of consent, and transparency in local mining activities. Instead of listening or calming the situation, police responded with violence, even using live ammunition against unarmed people.
This was a clear and unjustified use of excessive force that led to two deaths. There is no excuse for using lethal force against unarmed citizens exercising their constitutional rights. These actions show a growing pattern of repression around Shanta Gold’s operations, where communities face threats, intimidation, and pressure.
We are also troubled by efforts from the Officer Commanding Police Division (OCPD) Yala, Charles Wafula, to misrepresent these events to the public. Trying to distort the facts in such serious cases is unacceptable and only protects those responsible. We call for full transparency and an immediate, independent investigation into the police’s actions.
We have received reliable reports of ongoing harassment by officers from the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI). This includes the arrest of a woman and her three sons in ways the community describes as distressing and inhumane. The pressure, fear, and harassment linked to these actions reportedly contributed to the death by suicide of one of the sons.
We are especially concerned about the Ministry of Interior’s heavy involvement in what should be a civilian and regulatory issue handled by the Ministry of Mining and Blue Economy. Turning this process into a security matter is unlawful and inappropriate.
We have also seen cases of arbitrary arrests and what appear to be false or minor charges. These actions have forced families into serious financial hardship, even making them sell livestock to pay high bail. Such practices are oppressive and show a pattern of using the justice system to silence dissent.
We call out the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) for not acting independently or objectively. Maintaining charges from questionable arrests raises serious concerns about complicity, abuse of process, and loss of public trust in the justice system. The ODPP should not allow itself to be used to legitimize repression.
Even more worrying is the open disregard for the rule of law. There is a valid court order from the Siaya Law Courts in ELCLPET/E002/2025 stopping Shanta Gold from moving forward with resettlement and compensation. Yet, despite this order, operations continue, and state agencies are not enforcing the law.
This is a direct attack on the authority of the courts and the foundations of our constitutional principles. Ignoring court orders in this way raises serious questions about the integrity of our institutions and whether some people act above the law.
It is troubling how regulatory processes have been managed. The Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) for this project did not include a resettlement action plan, though displacement was likely. Stakeholders pointed out this major flaw and formally objected, but licenses were still issued. Shanta Gold also did not share details about compensation, leaving the community in the dark until the Siaya County Commissioner recently mentioned relocating over 1,200 homesteads and showed houses being built by the company. These issues reveal a deeper failure and suggest the Ministry of Mining and Blue Economy and other regulators are not complying with the Mining Act, 2016, which requires genuine community involvement, proper land access, informed consent, and protection of community interests.
What is happening also goes against Kenya’s commitments under international human rights law. The UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights say the state must protect people from abuses, and companies must respect those rights. Free, prior, and informed consent ensures communities can make their own choices and are not forced, misled, or left out of important decisions. In Ramula, people have repeatedly questioned how consent was obtained, but their concerns have been ignored.
The OCPD in Yala is responsible for officers under his command, including the use of lethal force and misrepresenting events. The DCI must answer for ongoing harassment, intimidation, and arbitrary arrests by officers in Ramula and Mwibona. The County Commissioner, as the national government’s representative, should protect citizens, not allow fear and coercion. The National Land Commission (NLC) is supposed to manage public land, oversee land acquisition, and protect communities from forced displacement. Its absence in this conflict over land rights and resettlement is troubling and cannot be excused.
We are also concerned about the April 7, 2026, statement from the Principal Secretary for Mining, Harry Kimtai, who said the Ministry plans to issue a license to Shanta Gold in Ikolomani, even though serious human rights issues in Ramula remain unresolved. The announcement felt casual and dismissive, showing little understanding of the situation’s seriousness. The ministry should not appear to support an investor while communities still have real concerns about consent, land rights, and ongoing violations.
In 2025, during the National Jukwaa la Madini meeting, community members met the Principal Secretary in his office, shared their challenges, and formally invited him to visit Ramula. He agreed, but this promise has not been kept, even after lives were lost. Instead, the ministry has held important meetings in Kisumu, far from the affected community. This raises serious questions about whether these processes meet the constitutional requirement for real public participation under Article 10 and the Mining Act, 2016, which calls for identifying and involving affected communities. It also raises doubts about why meetings are not held openly with the actual community and whether these processes are just formalities to approve decisions already made.
The ministry has acted quickly in other situations, but its absence in Ramula at this crucial time raises an important question: Are all lives valued equally, or is the state’s response influenced by other factors? We stress that engaging with communities cannot be done from boardrooms or hotels. When rights, land, and livelihoods are at risk, the law requires the state to go to the people, not expect the people to come to them.
We recognize that mining is not a devolved function under the constitution, but we are deeply concerned by the ongoing silence and inaction of the County Government of Siaya, including the governor, County Assembly, senator, area MP, and MCA. These leaders were elected to protect the interests of Ramula’s people. Their absence at this critical time is obvious and unacceptable.
We are especially worried about parts of the county leadership who have long supported the company. The governor’s recent change in stance raises more doubts than trust. If leaders had acted sooner and more firmly, the situation might not have reached the point where lives were lost. We have also learned that the County Government gave the company a “no objection” letter, which urgently needs to be explained and accounted for.
The area MP and MCA have also supported the company, and the senator’s silence during these serious events is troubling. This failure of leadership has left the community exposed, unheard, and unprotected.
We especially call on the governor, as a senior counsel and a leader who knows constitutional and international human rights law, to step up and show principled leadership. This role comes with a greater duty to uphold the law, defend citizens’ rights, and speak clearly against violations.
Shanta Gold must immediately take responsibility for the human rights risks and harm caused by its operations in Ramula. Continuing to operate amid violence, intimidation, disputed consent, and ignoring legal processes breaches Kenyan law and international standards, including the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. A company cannot claim to be uninvolved when its actions are directly linked to repression and harm against local communities.
We want to make it clear to Shanta Gold, its financiers, and business partners that we will use every available option to seek accountability. This includes starting proceedings with regional and international human rights bodies, such as the African human rights system, and filing formal complaints under international business conduct rules. We will also work with others in the company’s gold supply chain, like refiners, buyers, and financial institutions, to ensure any gold linked to human rights abuses in Ramula is closely examined and kept out of responsible markets. What is happening in Ramula puts Shanta Gold at serious legal, reputational, and business risk, and we will take further action to demand accountability if needed.
In light of these accounts, we demand that:
1. All mining-related activities by Shanta Gold in Ramula and across the Nyanza region must be immediately suspended until there is full compliance with the law, including the development of a credible resettlement action plan and the conduct of genuine, community-centred consultations in line with free, prior and informed consent.
2. All officers who discharged live ammunition against peaceful protesters must be immediately identified, investigated, and prosecuted, together with their commanding officers. Command responsibility must be enforced without exception.
3. The Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) must undertake a swift, transparent, and public investigation into the killings in Ramula, as well as the broader pattern of policing and use of force in the area.
4. The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) must urgently initiate independent investigations to determine the extent of injustices, document violations, and pursue appropriate accountability and redress for affected communities.
5. The County Commissioner, the Sub-County Criminal Investigations Officer Yala, the OCPD Yala, and all officers directly or indirectly implicated must step aside immediately to allow for independent and impartial investigations.
6. The State Department for Mining must be urgently summoned by Parliament to publicly account for and disclose the legal and procedural basis upon which licenses were issued and operations allowed to proceed in the face of clear objections, legal concerns, and procedural irregularities.
7. NLC must urgently intervene to assess the legality of land acquisition processes, safeguard community land rights, and halt any actions that may lead to unlawful displacement.
8. ODPP must be held accountable for the institution and continuation of punitive and frivolous charges against protesters. The use of the criminal justice system to intimidate, harass, and silence citizens is an abuse of prosecutorial power and must cease immediately.
Haki Madini Kenya Coalition | Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) | Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) | Inuka Kenya Ni SiSi | Twajibike Platform | Community Action for Nature Conservation (Canco) | Community Initiative Action Group | Independent Medico-Legal Unit (IMLU) | Defenders Coalition | Usalama Reforms Forum | Transparency International Kenya | Catalyste | Ramula Community Members | Geomine Consulting Group | Article 19 | Kenya Oil and Gas working group
Authorities have exhumed 33 bodies, most believed to be children, from a mass grave in Kericho. A court order had authorized the burial of just 13. The remaining 20 bodies, undocumented and unexplained, have triggered questions about procedural lapses, criminal liability, and the possibility of state involvement.
Documents obtained by the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) show that only 13 bodies, comprising eight adults, one child, three foetuses, and a set of stillborn twins, were officially cleared for burial, according to correspondence from Nyamira County Referral Hospital to the Chief Magistrate of Nyamira Law Courts. No authorization was given for the additional 20 bodies.
The process interring the bodies took place without proper documentation, coordination, or oversight by county health authorities, raising serious concerns about the roles of hospital officials, cemetery management, and law enforcement agencies in this incident.
So far, neither hospital authorities nor police have accounted for the 20 unidentified bodies. KHRC warns this may signal an attempt to conceal unlawful deaths. Kenya’s long history of enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and state cover-ups backs this up.
The Kericho discovery mirrors the 2024 Embakasi quarry case, where bodies of murdered women were discovered. Witnesses noted that some victims had toothpaste smeared around their eyes, a tactic previously used by protesters to counteract teargas during anti-finance bill demonstrations.
The discovery further brings to mind the mass deaths in Shakahola forest in Kilifi, where 429 bodies were recovered amid delayed and opaque investigations. The latest discovery forms part of a criminal trend of mass fatalities and weak accountability in the country.
The Kericho incident is a threat to Kenyans’ constitutional rights to life and dignity, and against this backdrop, the KHRC demands an urgent, independent, and transparent investigation that includes: