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Written by Catherine Wanjiru    Tuesday, 30 September 2014 06:43   
Open letter to the President

 

“NO STONE WILL BE LEFT UNTURNED”: FOR HOW LONG MR PRESIDENT?

Mr. President,

As you are well aware, it has been one year since terrorists attacked and mercilessly took away the lives of at least sixty seven (67) persons during the Westgate Mall terror attack. It is four and half months since criminal gangs unleashed untold terror on thousands of Kenyans and left eighty (80) people dead in Mpeketoni. It has been one year and five months since criminal gangs terrorized the residents of Bungoma and Busia, killing more than fifty (50) people and seriously injuring more than one hundred (100) Kenyans. It has been four months since inter-clan wars in Mandera claimed the lives of over forty three (43) people, left hundreds injured and over one hundred thousand displaced.

In the Northern and Rift regions in Kenya especially Turkana, Wajir, Mandera, Baringo insecurity soars with at least over one hundred and twenty (120) people dead, more than ninety five (95) seriously injured and not less than thirteen thousand five hundred and thirty six (13,536) left displaced since 29 June, 2013. In addition to these insecurity statistics we have more unmentioned incidents in Nairobi, Mombasa, Tana River, Eldoret among many more. Worse still is the fact that even security agents trained to protect civilians have themselves become victims of insecurity. Beyond losing people beloved to them, the survivors of the attacks -men, women, children civilians and security agents - suffer post-traumatic stress disorders and other forms of social distress.

 

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Open
letter to the President



“NO
STONE WILL BE LEFT UNTURNED”: FOR HOW LONG MR PRESIDENT?



Mr. President,



As
you are well aware, it has been one year since terrorists attacked and
mercilessly took away the lives of at least sixty seven (67) persons during the
Westgate Mall terror attack. It is four and half months since criminal gangs
unleashed untold terror on thousands of Kenyans and left eighty (80) people
dead in Mpeketoni. It has been one year and five months since criminal gangs
terrorized the residents of Bungoma and Busia, killing more than fifty (50)
people and seriously injuring more than one hundred (100) Kenyans.  It has been four months since inter-clan wars
in Mandera claimed the lives of over forty three (43) people, left hundreds
injured and over one hundred thousand displaced.



In
the Northern and Rift regions in Kenya especially Turkana, Wajir, Mandera,
Baringo insecurity soars with at least over one hundred and twenty (120) people
dead, more than ninety five (95) seriously injured and not less than thirteen
thousand five hundred and thirty six (13,536) left displaced since 29 June,
2013.  In addition to these insecurity
statistics we have more unmentioned incidents in Nairobi, Mombasa, Tana River,
Eldoret among many more. Worse still is the fact that even security agents
trained to protect civilians have themselves become victims of insecurity.
Beyond losing people beloved to them, the survivors of the attacks -men, women,
children civilians and security agents - suffer post-traumatic stress disorders
and other forms of social distress.



In
the face of such unprecedented levels of insecurity, the security agencies’ responses
have largely been reactionary and excessive in a manner that alienates and
victimizes the public rather than protect them. In Kwale for example, a
fourteen year old girl named Kwekwe Mwandaza was summarily executed by National
Police Service officers for allegedly posing a security threat against eight
heavily armed police officers who had raided her home in search of a suspect
they did not find!



Your
Excellency
, Kenyans are tired of the proverbial blame
game amongst State agencies that seem intent on assigning responsibility for
security lapses rather than addressing the actual causes of insecurity. The
rate at which criminal elements are leading Kenya to an ungovernable state is
alarming yet your government seems unwilling, unable or even hesitant to deal
with these criminals who seem to hold the entire nation at ransom begging the
question as to who exactly these people are.



Mr.
President
, this state of affairs is in contradiction
with the firm public pledge you made during your inaugural speech on 9th April,
2013 which read in part “…..Criminals, cattle rustlers, drug barons and agents
of terror who disrupt the peace of our society will be met with the full force
of the law and the strength of Kenya’s Security Forces. On this matter, we are
resolute to our men and women in uniform, I say, this nation is indebted to you.
You continue to lay down your lives in service, protecting Kenyans from threats
both external and internal. My government will continue to work with you and do
all that is in its power to support you as you continue in your noble duty…”



Mr. President the fact is:



1.     
Kenyans are tired of the empty
rhetoric by your appointed security senior officials who insist that they “are
on top of things”, or “we will leave no stones unturned” despite glaring
evidence to the contrary.



2.     
The security architecture in Kenya as
currently constituted is incapable of adequately addressing the contemporary
challenges of terrorism and other forms of organized crime. The security
apparatus must be professionalized, fully equipped and its officers made
accountable to senior most levels when exercising the sacred duty of protecting
this republic and its citizens.



3.     
There continues to be a weak
multiagency coordination framework that has occasioned ineffective responses to
incidences of violent crime. In particular, there is a great disconnect  between the intelligence gathering agencies
and other security organs which has in turn made State responses reactionary
and haphazard as opposed to anticipatory and measured. While the recent
resignation of Major General Gichangi and subsequent appointment of Major
General Philip Kameru could serve as an instigator for reform, there is need
for deeper analysis of the institutional discrepancies that have hampered
intelligence gathering, sharing and police response.



4.     
That Kenyans and other residents are
feeling more threatened and discomforted by the level of insecurity in the
country each day.



5.     
That the relationship between the
security apparatus and the public is strained and deteriorating further with every
security operation that results in mass arrests and unlawful detentions or in
the most extreme of situations, extra-judicial killings by State officers.  A further consequence of this is the public’s
unwillingness to cooperate with State officials in sharing crucial information
out of a fear of victimization or collective punishment in some cases.



6.     
That in some cases politicians stand
accused of perpetuating insecurity either directly or by proxy and yet there
have been no significant arrests or prosecutions to serve as a deterrent to
involvement in crime and instigating violence. Instead, we have been subjected
to vague political statements that insinuate knowledge of political actors
involved in recent spates of insecurity but without further action being taken.



7.     
That there is clearly a significant
disconnect between the various actors within the criminal justice system much
to the advantage of criminals who evade justice through bungled investigations
and prosecutions.



8.     
That while the security sector remains
one of the biggest beneficiaries of our taxes, they are acquiring the dubious
distinction of being the most inefficient and unaccountable public organ.



Your
Excellency the problem is known.  It is
however time to move beyond rhetoric and embrace remedial action.



It is now time to convert into tangible action, the
empathy you have previously expressed for the mothers, wives, children, fathers
and all the “nduguzanguni” who have lost loved ones, property, livelihoods and
suffered both physical and psychological trauma. More specifically it is time:



1.     
To dispense with the leadership of our
security organs who have failed to offer strategic guidance commensurate to the
threats we currently face. It is instead time to enlist a security leadership
that is professional, respectful of the Constitution and embracive of reforms
that enhance the integrity and public standing of our security agencies. To
this end, we expect a reinvigorated National Security Council that advises you
accordingly and can match the threats we now face.



2.     
For you to lend your political voice
and support for the ongoing reforms in the security sector and explicitly
sanction any member of your government who stands in the way of such reforms.



3.     
For you and all the political leaders
to distance politics from insecurity and direct the relevant state apparatus to
take firm action against anyone including the politicians who continue to
orchestrate violence and deny and violate our fundamental right and freedoms. A
criminal is a criminal Mr. President.



4.     
To live up to the promises of leaving
no stones unturned in investigating current and past instances of terror. In
particular, it is time to commence the inquiry to the Westgate Mall attack and
demand better results from the National Police Service with regard to the Lamu
and now Mandera attacks.



5.     
To put a stop to State tactics that
have seemingly made arbitrary arrests or unlawful detentions, enforced
disappearances and extra-judicial killings permissible options in tackling
crime. Mr. President, we cannot enhance security and public safety through
unlawful or unconstitutional means- this only serves to inculcate the culture
of lawlessness.



6.     
To honor all members of our
disciplined forces who have committed to serve the public by placing themselves
in harm’s way. It is time to ensure that they are well remunerated, properly
equipped to do their duties and that their families are properly taken care in
the event that they are tragically killed in the line of duty.



7.     
To invest in an evidence-led
counterterrorism programme, that should be discussed by all stakeholders.



8.     
To adequately resource the criminal
justice system with the expectation that investigators and prosecutors will
work in a transparent, accountable and effective manner.



9.     
To support an all- inclusive
structured, candid and non-political conversation to interrogate the root
causes of the insecurity to obtain long lasting and practical solutions to
insecurity. This could form part of your legacy.



Mr.
President, your government holds the primary obligation of ensuring the safety
and security of all citizens and other persons living in the country all in the
while respecting the rule of law and the rights and fundamental freedoms of all
persons.



The
KHRC, while conveying our deepest condolences to the families, friends,
colleagues of the many civilians and security agents who have lost their lives,
their livelihoods, their property and suffered both physical and psychological
trauma in these senseless incidences of insecurity, urge you Mr. President to
protect, promote and uphold the rights of all people living within our borders.
Bring our safe Kenya back!



In case of any queries, please
contact Atsango Chesoni on
This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it  or Lilian Kantai on  This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it  /Tel: +254 020-2044545/ 2106709/
2106763.



Signed:






 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 









Atsango Chesoni



Director, Kenya Human Rights Commission.



 



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Last Updated ( Wednesday, 01 October 2014 05:40 )
 
Written by KHRC    Monday, 15 September 2014 13:01   
CSOs Statement on EAC-EU Economic Partnerships Agreement

We, the civil society organizations, farmers associations, workers, FAIRTRADE gathered here today, wish to express our deep fears and concerns on the nature and design of the on-going negotiations to conclude an Economic Partnerships Agreement (EPA) between the East African Community and the European Union (EU). We wish to raise our voices to the European Union and government negotiators that:


1.  We are deeply concerned about the asymmetrical nature of the EPA negotiations thus far. Studies show that EAC’s  51.3% of tariff lines/products where there is current local production will be put at risk, perhaps even damaged (1,100 tariff lines out of 2,144) as these are lines where liberalization will take place and the EU is more competitive on these lines than the EAC. Taking into account potential future production (tariff lines where there is no current production), 2,366 tariff lines will be liberalized making the possibility of having future production in these products questionable. In total, 68.8% of all tariff lines or products could be put at risk (current and future production).

2.  We further express concern with regard to the delays in agreeing the European Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Union and the East Africa Community (EAC). In particular, we wish to alert you to the potentially severe impact on the lives of 500,000 people dependent on the Kenyan floriculture business. Fair-trade and Kenya flower council works with large numbers of cut flower producers in Kenya, who largely supply European retailers. More than 33 out of 61 Fairtrade certified cut flower producers are Kenyan. Together, they employ over 32,000 workers. Country wide, the Kenyan Flower Council have estimated that over 500,000 people including 90,000 direct flower farm employees depend on the floriculture industry for their livelihoods. It is the second largest agricultural foreign exchange for Kenya valued at more than $250 million a year.

3.  Small-scale farmers and producers are alarmed by the agricultural subsidies provided in the EU; and the weak safeguards provided for in the EPAs. The EU has rejected the discussion of its subsidies in the EPAs on the grounds that this is a WTO issue. However, we argue that the issue of subsidies has not been addressed in the WTO as  developed countries, including the EU have failed to live up to what was agreed on during the WTO Hong Kong Ministerial to eliminate export and trade distorting subsidies by 2013.

4.  We further note that the programme is the most expensive scheme accounting for more than 40% of its annual budget and one of the most controversial. In 2013 the budget for direct farm payments (subsidies) and rural development-the twin “pillars” of Comprehensive Agricultural Policy–is 57.5 Billion Euros (Euros 49bn), out of a total budget of 132.8 billion euros (that is 43% of the total). Most of the CAP budget is direct payments to farmers.

5. There is ample evidence to show that agricultural subsidies in the EU have led to dumping of agricultural products with far reaching implication on Africa’s agricultural production and agro-processing.EU is spending way too much on subsidies when agriculture creates just 1.6% of EU GDP and employs only 5% of EU populations

6.  We note that EAC having been in these negotiations since 2007, the European Union’s rigid and unilateral deadline to Conclude EPAs is not a desirable way in achieving the desired results. The conclusion of any Free Trade Agreement like EPA must take into account the interests and address the concerns of both parties, and not through timeframes. Therefore, we urge the EU to show necessary flexibility in the negotiations process, respecting the different levels of development of each EAC country.

7.  We urge the EAC negotiators should therefore continue pushing for an extension of the Regulation 1528/2007 to such a period where the negotiations have been concluded or an alternative trade arrangement has been initiated. It should be appreciated that the difficult to conclude these talks are not only on the shoulders of EAC countries, but also due to rigidity on the side of the EU.

8.  We emphasize that trade policy instruments such as export taxes are an integral part of East African industrialization since they promote value addition, protects infant industries and improves agricultural productivity. We further note that export taxes remain very critical after the discovery of oil, natural gas and other minerals. In fact, Kenya’s accession agreement to WTO does not prohibit it from imposing export taxes. We therefore seek an agreement that protects the livelihoods of millions of smallholder farmers and producers in the EAC region.

9. Civil society organizations, workers and Smallholder farmers argue that negotiators and the private sector have focused extensively on commercial interests without focusing on major aspects of labor, standards, human rights, environment and climate change as well as development as it was initially envisaged by the Cotonou Partnerships Agreement. The cost of signing EPA is much higher than the benefits. Kenya stands to lose USD 193.2 million and gain just about USD 87.1 million upon signing an EPA.

10. We therefore call upon the international trading partners to extend duty free quota free treatment to Least Developed Countries and non-Least Developed countries in Africa. If this is enacted, a country like Kenya which is in a least developed region will have the same trade regime with her Least Developed Counterparts of Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda and Tanzania.

11.  We note with concern that the tariffs that will be imposed will increase the price of cut flowers considerably. This extra cost must either be borne by producers themselves, or by European traders and major retailers. The imposition of tariffs therefore poses a high risk of trade moving away from Kenyan sourcing into countries which are retaining preferential market access into the EU, such as Ethiopia as a Least Developed Country. The imposition of tariffs is an unacceptable price for Fairtrade farmers and workers to bear. Fairtrade works to alleviate poverty through establishing fair trading relationships between European businesses and Kenyan producers. Through this relationship flower workers and their communities have seen improved healthcare, income, education, and reduced poverty. We now fear that the work of many years will be undermined.

12. We therefore ask the EU to extend the current tariff regime beyond 1 October 2014, to allow negotiations to be successfully concluded. Should agreement not be reached, we ask you to ensure that the moves to approve the Commission Regulation granting GSP preferences to Kenya are successfully concluded in time for 1 October 2014. We urge the European Commission to act with the utmost responsibility and awareness of the impact their decisions will have on the lives of hundreds of thousands of workers in Kenya’s floriculture industry, and with due regard to its high level commitments to poverty reduction”


 13.We retaliate that the 1st October deadline should not be a basis upon which the talks should be based on but on how to conclude the talks. In order to have a “win-win” outcome of negotiations, then the EU must be willing to support the development pillar that addresses supply side constraints. In addition, Special and differential treatment has to be part and parcel of the developmental EPA. We therefore urge the EU to extend the waiver with tariff preferences for Kenyan horticultural produce including flowers, beyond 1st October until the outstanding issues between the EU and EAC are finalized.scroll back to top
Last Updated ( Tuesday, 16 September 2014 10:01 )
 
Written by KHRC    Monday, 25 August 2014 13:19   
African States: Reject Immunity for Leaders


For Immediate Release


African States: Reject Immunity for Leaders
141 Groups in 40 Countries Speak Out


(Johannesburg, August 25, 2014) – African countries should reject immunity for sitting leaders for grave crimes before the African Court for Justice and Human Rights, 141 organizations said today in a declaration<https://www.hrw.org/news/2014/08/22/call-african-states-reject-immunity-serious-crimes-african-civil-society-organisatio> in advance of an African Union meeting in Nairobi. The organizations include
both African groups and international groups and have a presence in 40 African countries.
The African Union (AU) Office of the Legal Counsel is convening a meeting in Nairobi on August 25 and 26, 2014, with government officials of AU member countries in East Africa to promote ratification of AU treaties. Discussions, which will take place at the Hilton Hotel, are expected to include a newly adopted protocol to extend the African Court’s jurisdiction to trials of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, while providing immunity for sitting leaders and other senior officials. The protocol to expand the authority of the African Court was adopted at the 23rd African Union summit, in Malabo in June.


“The immunity provision is a regrettable departure from the AU’s Constitutive Act, which rejects impunity under article 4,” said George Kegoro, executive director of theInternational Commission of Jurists-Kenya<http://www.icj-kenya.org/>. “Immunity takes away the prospect that victims can access justice at the African court when leaders commit atrocities. African states should take a clear stand opposing this immunity.”

The adopted Protocol on Amendments to the Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights<http://legal.au.int/en/content/press-conference-au-summit-decision-protocol-african-court-human-and-peoples-rights>
is the first legal instrument to extend a regional court’s authority to criminal jurisdiction over genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. The protocol also covers 11 additional crimes and notably provides for an independent defense office.


But Article 46A bis of the amendments provides immunity for sitting leaders, stating: “No charges shall be commenced or continued…against any serving African Union Head of State or Government, or anybody acting or entitled to act in such capacity, or other senior state officials based on their functions, during their tenure of office.”

The statutes of international and hybrid international-national war crimes tribunals reject exemptions on the basis of official capacity. Other international conventions, including the Convention against Torture, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of \ Genocide, and the Geneva Conventions of 1949, recognize the crucial importance of accountability for serious crimes.

“Granting immunity to sitting officials is retrogressive, and risks giving leaders license to commit crimes,” and Timothy Mtambo executive director at Malawi’s Centre for Human Rights and Rehabilitation. “Immunity also risks encouraging those accused of the crimes to cling to their positions to avoid facing the law.”


Some African countries like Benin, Burkina Faso, Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, and South Africa rule out immunity for sitting officials for serious crimes under their national laws, the groups said.

This text of the group declaration was drafted by Malawi’s Center for Human Rights and Rehabilitation, with input from several African organizations and international organizations with a presence in Africa.


“Instead of retreating from important achievements to limit impunity, advance the rule of law, and promote respect for human rights, African governments should remain steadfast in supporting justice for victims of the worst crimes by rejecting immunity before\ the African Court,” said Angela Mudukuti, international criminal justice project lawyer at the Southern Africa Litigation Centre<http://www.southernafricalitigationcentre.org/>.


To read the declaration,please visit:

https://www.hrw.org/news/2014/08/22/call-african-states-reject-immunity-serious-crimes-african-civil-society-organisatio


To see other group initiatives by these organizations, please visit:


http://www.icj-kenya.org/index.php/media-centre/press-releases/20-press-statement/598-letter-to-the-justice-ministers-and-attorneys-general-of-the-african-on-immunity-of-heads-of-states


http://www.southernafricalitigationcentre.org/2013/11/18/salc-in-the-news-icc-africa-should-reject-free-pass-for-leaders/


http://www.issafrica.org/uploads/African-civil-society-letter-to-AU-on-ICC-withdrawal-Oct-2013.pdf


For more information, please contact:
In Accra, for Media Foundation for West Africa, Sulemana Braimah (English): +233-302-242-470; or +233-244-520-243;
or This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it <mailto: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it '; document.write( '' ); document.write( addy_text29693 ); document.write( '<\/a>' ); //--> This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it >


In Dakar, for Rencontre
Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme, Aboubacry Mbodji (French):
+221-777-408-683; or
This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it <mailto: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it >

In Johannesburg, for Human Rights Watch, Tiseke Kasambala (English): +27-110-622-852; or +27-792-205-254;
or This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it <https://mail.hrw.org/owa/redir.aspx?C=62bfcf6eb34e4416a6066327f155ddaf&URL=mailto%3Akasambt%40hrw.org>


In Johannesburg, for Southern Africa Litigation Centre, Angela Mudukuti (English): +27-767-623-869; This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it <mailto: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it '; document.write( '' ); document.write( addy_text54773 ); document.write( '<\/a>' ); //--> This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it >


In Kampala, for Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (English), Penny Mbabazi Atuhaire: +256-777-753-566;
This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it <mailto: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it >

In Kampala, for Ugandan Coalition for the ICC, Patricia Bako (English): +256-785-138-755; or This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it <mailto: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it >


In Kigali, for Human Rights First Rwanda Association, Louis Busingye (English): +250784252917; This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it <mailto: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it '; document.write( '' ); document.write( addy_text86532 ); document.write( '<\/a>' ); //--> This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it >


In Lilongwe, for Center for Human Rights and Rehabilitation, Timothy Mtambo (English): +265-992-166-191; or
This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it <mailto: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it >

In Nairobi, for Kenya section of the International Commission of Jurists, Stella Ndirangu (English):
+254-20-208-4836/8; or This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it <mailto: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it >


In Pretoria, for the International Crime in Africa Programme, Institute for Security Studies, Jemima
Njeri (English): +27-832-346-566; or +27-123-469-500; or This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it <https://mail.hrw.org/owa/redir.aspx?C=62bfcf6eb34e4416a6066327f155ddaf&URL=mailto%3Ajnjeri%40issafrica.org>





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Last Updated ( Monday, 25 August 2014 13:36 )
 
Written by KHRC    Monday, 04 August 2014 14:08   
Regional Conference on Promoting Long Term Election Observation with a focus on Voter Registration

Atsango Chseoni,Executive Director, KHRC addressing the media during; Promoting long term election observation regional conferenceAtsango Chseoni,Executive Director, KHRC addressing the media during; Promoting long term election observation regional conference

The Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC), The Elections Observation  Group (ELOG) and The East and Horn Africa Election Observers Network (E-HORN) have joined efforts and organised a regional conference commencing today the 4th to 6th August, at Ole - Sereni Hotel, Nairobi.

The conference seeks to assess the overall performance and effectiveness of long term election observation and monitoring as a process through which an election is scrutinized and evaluated for purposes of determining its impartiality in terms of organization and administration.

Among those invited are representatives from civil society organizations involved in election observation in Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, South Sudan and Sudan, regional observer networks such SADC-ESN and WAEON; the election
management body in Kenya (IEBC); developmental partners; EHORN secretariat; and the Kenya Human Rights Commission staff who will seek to exchange knowledge and experiences that will contribute to improving the integrity of elections through long term election observation activities.

Election observation in Africa tends to be heavily focused on procedures on polling day yet this is only one aspect of the election process. The opportunities for abuse are usually created, deliberately in the pre-election period when the voter register is prepared, political parties formed and registered, candidates nominated and campaigns carried out. On the other hand the election observation period of field presence is often too short to cover the entire process and hardly is the number of observers sufficient to ensure adequate coverage.

The main strategy proposed for dealing with this problem is to employ a system of long-term observation as opposed to short-term observation. While short-term observation covers the activities of voting, vote counting and the declaration of results, long-term observation involves observing the events that define the electoral process from the setting up of electoral management bodies, voter registration, voter education, political party registration, candidate nomination political campaigning and media issues, voting and the counting through to the swearing in of elected regimes.

Admittedly, most of the observation bodies in Africa have been struggling to operationalize the concept of long term observation. This has been exacerbated by lack of or limited resources in the post-election period. As a result, most
long term observation attempts have remained informal and limited in scope hence reduce in effectiveness. These problems can be tackled within a framework of institutionalized observation in which a universally acceptable mechanism that is bilaterally agreed upon is employed. This is what informs the need to have a regional conference aimed at engaging peer to peer to come up with a resolution on the way forward in the region.

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Last Updated ( Monday, 04 August 2014 14:42 )
 
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